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TOC denies deliberately misleading the public

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A day after Home Affairs and Law Minister K. Shanmugam charged that it had engaged in a “planned, orchestrated campaign using falsehoods” to blemish the police, The Online Citizen (TOC) denied that it had deliberately misled the public.

“Given the dearth of information available to us, it is natural that some of our reports were not fully accurate,” the socio-political blog wrote on its website, arguing that “inaccuracies are not the same as falsehoods”.

TOC had published 25 related articles after 14-year-old Benjamin Lim was found dead on Jan 26 at the foot of the Housing Board block in Yishun where he lived. Earlier that day, he had been questioned by police for the alleged molestation of an 11-year-old girl.

Asked about TOC’s editorial yesterday defending itself, the Home Affairs Ministry said the police had already said on Feb 1 that there would be a coroner’s inquiry (CI) into Benjamin’s death. “(The minister) has given a full response in Parliament on the falsehoods put out in this matter, and has also explained why questions addressed to the ministry or the police cannot be answered, prior to the CI. There are proper processes in place to establish the facts,” a spokesman said.

In Parliament on Tuesday, Mr Shanmugam addressed the issue to set out the facts and maintain public confidence in the police. Describing Benjamin’s death as tragic, he hit out at “deliberate falsehoods” that have been spread in the case to tar the police. He took particular aim at TOC, saying its articles “practically (led) people to conclude that Benjamin committed suicide as a result” of how the police handled the case.

But TOC said only four of its articles were written in-house. The rest were letters and opinion pieces contributed by members of the public. “Their reactions were spontaneous”, and this was “hardly an orchestrated campaign”, it said.

A “falsehood” highlighted by Mr Shanmugam was contained in a Feb 5 article, which quoted a woman who claimed that officers went to Benjamin’s school wearing attire with police markings. The minister made it clear that all the officers were in plain clothes. Investigations showed that TOC received its information from a Facebook post by a woman, who admitted to getting her dates mixed up. She later took down her post.

TOC said yesterday that it had contacted her on social media to verify her claims. It also said it reached out to the police and other officials before publishing the article, but did not receive any replies.

Mr Shanmugam pointed out TOC’s “tactics” in posing questions to the authorities, then implying a cover-up when no response was forthcoming. The minister explained that the authorities had chosen not to comment in detail on this case out of respect for the family and as there was a CI.

In a Feb 23 article, TOC detailed the questions it had sent to the authorities, and titled the piece “Questions about Benjamin Lim’s case, Home Affairs Minister and SPF cannot answer”. TOC insisted yesterday that it believes “in giving all sides a chance to speak. Soliciting answers to pressing questions isn’t a ‘tactic’. It is merely journalism”.

After Mr Shanmugam’s ministerial statement on Tuesday, social activist Ravi Philemon, 47, wrote on Facebook that “the minister was right” for thinking that TOC put up a “planned, orchestrated campaign”. When contacted by The Straits Times, the former editor of TOC clarified that while the articles may have tried “to get justice for the student”, they “inadvertently also implied that the school and the police were less forthcoming”.

And while not all the articles were written by TOC, he added, this “does not absolve the editors” of responsibility as they decide which pieces are put up.

Mr Shanmugam also highlighted that making claims about Benjamin’s case could have infringed rules of sub judice, since an inquiry was pending. The rules of sub judice, which is Latin for “under judgment”, regulates the publication of matters that are under consideration by a legal proceeding.

Veteran lawyer Amolat Singh said a person may be held in contempt of court for violating these rules, and agreed that a CI was the right forum to lay out the facts of what happened.

“The problem with the court of public opinion is, there are no rules. Sometimes, the one who shouts the loudest gets the furthest,” he said. “There is no scope for a forensic examination of the facts.”

What TOC said, what minister said

Home Affairs and Law Minister K. Shanmugam said in Parliament on Tuesday that The Online Citizen (TOC) had published about 20 articles which included allegations that were practically leading people to conclude that 14-year-old Benjamin Lim had committed suicide as a result of how the police handled the case.

WHAT TOC SAID

A parent of a student in the same secondary school as Benjamin said her son’s account differed from the police statement that officers turned up at the school wearing plain clothes.

WHAT MR SHANMUGAM SAID

TOC supposedly relied on a posting by a woman who stated that her son had seen officers wearing polo T-shirts with the word “Police” on them. However, when the police checked with her, she said she had got her dates mixed up.

WHAT TOC SAID

It raised questions about Benjamin’s case to the police and various agencies, as well as to Mr Shanmugam, but did not receive a reply.

WHAT MR SHANMUGAM SAID

A key reason that he and his ministry refrained from making substantive comments on Benjamin’s death was out of respect for his family, and to give the family time and space to grieve.

WHAT TOC SAID

It ran several accounts drawing parallels between cases, suggesting that police conducted investigations in an intimidating and inappropriate matter.

WHAT MR SHANMUGAM SAID

These allegations were “entirely speculative”, without regard for what actually happened in Benjamin’s case.

The Online Citizen now a one-man show

The team behind socio-political website The Online Citizen (TOC) has shrunk, and the site turns 10 this year as a one-man show.

Chief editor Terry Xu, 34, told The Straits Times yesterday that TOC is “only run by one person at the moment because it has no money to pay any writers or editors”.

Many in its core team of editors and contributors in the past – prominent names in the civil society circuit – are no longer involved with TOC. Neither is it organising political forums or staging rallies at Hong Lim Park as it was around 2010.

Four men had held editorial roles with the website in September 2013. Besides Mr Xu, they are lawyer Choo Zheng Xi, blogger Andrew Loh and Mr Howard Lee, who does freelance media liaison work. Former editors also include Mr Ravi Philemon, a Singapore People’s Party candidate in last year’s general election. Former Non-Constituency MP Gerald Giam of the Workers’ Party was once deputy editor.

TOC was gazetted as a political association in 2011, requiring it to declare all donations. It also cannot receive foreign donations. It now relies heavily on crowdfunding and on reader contributions.

In its online call for submissions, TOC says it “might not” publish articles with unverifiable facts, vulgarities, or possible legal implications.

But its practice of this editorial policy has come under scrutiny, after Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam accused it of launching a “planned, orchestrated campaign” to discredit the police over the handling of a molestation allegation involving 14-year-old Benjamin Lim.

Former TOC editors are split over Mr Shanmugam’s comments.

Mr Philemon said there was a need for “appropriate moderation” and fairness in any commentaries that are published.

But Mr Choo and Mr Lee said Mr Xu had done his best to get all sides of the story and tried to seek comments from the Government.

This is not TOC’s first run-in with the authorities. Last year alone, it was issued at least three take-down notices for its articles.

One was for a letter written by the lawyer of teen blogger Amos Yee, which was deemed to be in contempt of court. Another was for an allegation that government monies would be used to finance the construction of an underground city for a population of 10 million.

In the third case, the Government invoked an anti-harassment law after TOC published and refused to take down an interview with Dr Ting Choon Meng, whose company sued the Defence Ministry in 2011 for infringing its patent for a mobile emergency medical station.

‘Consult parents if kids are in police probes’

Parents feel they should be consulted if their school-going children are involved in police investigations.

They were speaking to The Straits Times after a parliamentary discussion on Tuesday about the death of 14-year-old North View Secondary School student Benjamin Lim, who was questioned by police in January over a molestation allegation.

Although parents appreciate that schools have protocols in place when a student is asked to assist in investigations, some pointed out that schools should not have the right to release a child to the police without their permission.

Currently, parental consent is not needed when police want to interview a student, Acting Education Minister (Schools) Ng Chee Meng said in Parliament on Tuesday.

Benjamin was taken into custody on Jan 26 for allegedly molesting an 11-year-old girl. His mother was notified and he was taken to Ang Mo Kio Police Division, unaccompanied by school staff or his parents.

After being released on bail, he was found dead at the foot of his family’s block later in the day.

Information technology manager Alex Yeo, 43, who has three children aged seven to 13, said: “Any parent would be upset if a school does not ask for permission and allows the police to take his child away. Perhaps the police could have gone to the boy’s house, instead of the school, later that day and he would have been under the care of his parents by then.”

In Parliament on Tuesday, Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam addressed these concerns, saying that when police went to the school in Yishun, they did not know Benjamin was the boy who appeared in closed-circuit TV footage they had retrieved.

“If the police wait, and he molests someone else in the meantime, the question would be why the police did not move faster,” he added.

Some parents agreed with this stance, saying they would have wanted the case to be settled as soon as possible if they were the girl’s parents.

Part-time tutor Judy Ho, 43, who has a 14-year-old daughter, said: “The police have to do their job and answer to the other party involved. They can’t be waiting for the parents to show up at the school.”

Housewife Fanny Chan, 45, who has four children aged seven to 17, said she understood that police had to act with urgency, but added that the boy may not have known how to react in such situations.

“If a parent can’t be there, a teacher whom he is familiar with should have gone along,” she said.

Others asked for police protocols to be reviewed, calling for schools to ensure that a student is accompanied by an adult throughout any investigations.

Engineer Robert Tan, 54, who has three sons aged two to 12, said: “Investigations need to be conducted as fast as possible but you could have kept the boy in the school, and not let him get away.”

On Tuesday, Mr Ng said: “It is not the practice of the police to allow teachers or school staff to be with the student in the police car.

“Current police protocols do not allow other persons to be present when the student is undergoing questioning at the police station.”

byseow@sph.com.sg

waltsim@sph.com.sg

limyihan@sph.com.sg

calyang@sph.com.sg

yuensin@sph.com.sg


This article was first published on March 3, 2016.
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Malaysian cars in crashes here: Court rules on liability

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KL appeals court finds insurers of Malaysian vehicles not liable for passengers if no coverage

Insurers of Malaysian cars involved in accidents in Singapore stand to be exempted from passenger liability after a key ruling was passed by a Malaysian appeals court.

It reversed a Kuala Lumpur High Court decision, in finding that a passenger who suffered serious head injuries here in a 2010 accident is not entitled to claim compensation from the insurer because the Malaysian-registered car had a policy which did not cover its passengers.

This was despite Singapore’s Motor Vehicles (Third-Party Risks and Compensation) Act, which makes it compulsory for private vehicle owners to insure liability for passengers. Malaysia has no similar compulsory coverage provision.

Madam Zuraini Mohamed suffered severe head injuries when the car driven by her husband, Mr Iskandar Mohd Nuli, collided with a lorry on Mandai Road. She sued both her husband and lorry driver Ng Kar Sze in 2013, seeking damages in a Singapore High Court case due to start in May.

Meanwhile, the car’s insurer, AmGeneral Insurance, sought a declaration of non-liability. But the KL High Court ruled AmGeneral was bound by a Singapore agreement to meet the passenger liability, despite the fact that the car owner did not pay premiums for the coverage.

AmGeneral, represented by Singapore lawyer Niru Pillai here and Malaysian counsel W. Davidson, appealed.

In that hearing, Mr Iskandar’s lawyer, Mr Ariff Rozhan, pointed to the reciprocal arrangement between the Motor Insurers Bureau of Singapore (MIBS) and its Malaysian counterpart. This requires the MIBS to settle any judgment sum not paid by a driver of an uninsured Malaysian vehicle entering Singapore who is held liable for an accident here.

The appeals court acknowledged a 2013 Singapore High Court case which held a Malaysian insurer was obliged to settle despite the lack of insurance coverage. It was held that if the MIBS was obliged to pay under the agreement with its Malaysian counterpart, then it could claim from the insurer in the case.

But the Malaysian appeals court ruled that this was “not the issue in this appeal”. The court made clear that the special agreement does not alter an insurer’s rights under the policy and preserved AmGeneral’s rights in Mr Iskandar’s case.

Effectively, this means that even if AmGeneral pays the MIBS, it has the right to recover the sum from Mr Iskandar. The court added that Mr Iskandar’s claim that he “had no knowledge of the policy’s non-coverage” was immaterial, and that he must take the policy “with all its disadvantages from his point of view, together with its advantages, and he cannot claim the benefit of anything which the policy gives him without complying with its terms”.

Mr Iskandar is currently seeking permission to appeal to the Malaysian Federal Court and a hearing is due next month.

It is understood that the Malaysian judgment means passengers or pillion riders injured on Malaysian-registered vehicles in Singapore will not be compensated for injuries by insurers if the vehicle is not covered for passenger liability.

Malaysian Judge of Appeal Vernon Ong, in the court’s judgment grounds released in January, wrote: “The granting of the declaration will serve a useful purpose as it will be helpful to the parties and to the public.”

vijayan@sph.com.sg

chiaytr@sph.com.s


This article was first published on March 3, 2016.
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India kicks off first army drill with ASEAN

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The largest multinational military exercise on Indian soil involving the 10-nation ASEAN grouping and eight of its dialogue partners, among them India, started yesterday, reflecting the South Asian giant’s increasing focus on deepening defence ties with South-east Asia.

More than 300 soldiers are taking part in the seven-day exercise, the aim of which, the Indian Defence Ministry said, is “to learn and share best practices with the other armies of the world, and display commitment for peace and stability in the region”.

The foreign troops, together with the Indian Army, yesterday began training in peacekeeping and de- mining operations in the city of Pune in western Maharashtra state.

“We are looking at situations where a multilateral force is asked to clear mines in conflict areas as part of demining operations,” said an official who did not want to be named.

The theme of the joint training exercise is Humanitarian Mine Action and Peacekeeping Operations.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been looking to boost co-operation with ASEAN countries since he took office and has even changed the name of India’s policy from “Look East” to “Act East”.

The past year has seen a flurry of high-level political engagements between India and South-east Asia, including Vice-President Mohammad Hamid Ansari’s visits to Brunei and Thailand last month, and Mr Modi’s visit to Singapore last year.

Trade, the mainstay of India-ASEAN ties, hit US$76.6 billion (S$107.4 billion) in 2014/2015, with security and defence co-operation now coming into greater focus.

The current exercise is taking place under the framework of the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus.

Besides India, ASEAN’s other dialogue partners in this drill are Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, South Korea and the United States.

Experts said that the exercise signalled India’s interest in pushing defence co-operation with ASEAN.

“This exercise is more about developing mutual understanding. If there is any kind of challenge tomorrow…we can co-operate with each other. This exercise is meant to foster better ties,” said Brigadier (Retired) Rumel Dahiya, currently deputy director-general at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.

“It (the exercise) is part of the Act East policy because security (in the past) did not get that kind of prominence,” he said.

The multinational exercise also comes amid efforts by India to bolster its military profile in the region as China increasingly flexes its military muscle.

Last month, India held its biggest-ever maritime exercise as part of the International Fleet Review that saw participation from 50 countries.

Last year, it expanded maritime exercises with the US in the Indian Ocean to permanently include Japan. It also held its first exercise involving border troops with China in the northern state of Jammu and Kashmir.

“India wants to play a bigger role in the Asian strategic scene and is much more proactive… and military exercises are a critical component,” said Dr Rajeswari Rajagopalan, senior fellow at the New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation.

“We are on the way to playing a larger role in South-east Asia and other parts of Asia,” she said.

gnirmala@sph.com.sg


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The real issue: TOC, Benjamin Lim or sub judice?

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“THIS is a very sad case – A young girl has been traumatised. A boy’s life has ended prematurely. We must do right, by these two young lives,” said the Home Affairs Minister, K. Shanmugam, marking the start of his ministerial statement in Parliament.

Indeed, this case is about these two young lives — one who was allegedly molested, another who jumped to his death after an unrecorded and unaccompanied police interview. How do we make sense of what happened? How do we avoid repeat incidents? How do we balance the rights of suspects against the needs for an effective police force? These are the questions we should be asking.

Is this about TOC or about Benjamin Lim and the rights of suspects?

To answer these questions, we can either choose to interpret this as a case of opportunistic parties misleading the public and fanning the flames of unreasonable anti-government hatred, or we can look at this as a test case, one where we may measure theoretical arguments against reality. We have an opportunity here to ask the tough questions about our system of justice, to challenge preconceived notions and unearth hidden assumptions. But we can only do so if we choose not to engage in petty politicking and blow things out of proportion. We need to keep our eye on the prize, to focus on the issues that really matter.

Have The Online Citizen (TOC) and the Law Society’s president Thio Shen Yi made factual mistakes? Yes, they have. Do the facts matter? Certainly. But what exactly were these mistakes and how important are the facts that they have gotten wrong? (Disclaimer: See below.)

Were the factual mistakes “deliberate falsehoods” which both TOC and Mr Thio made despite knowing full well that they were wrong? Or were they well-intentioned attempts to make sense of the situation at a time when Mr Shanmugam’s Ministry was maintaining its stony silence?

Would it have mattered if Benjamin was interviewed by one instead of five police officers when the issue here is that he was not accompanied by an adult? Would it have mattered if the police turned up in plain clothes or with a “Police” word on their backs? These things seem trivial in comparison to the fact that a boy died on the same day he was interrogated. Open office or not, whether he was offered food or not, and whether there were five or one police officers interviewing him, the central issue is that Benjamin had to face serious charges of molest all on his own.

As Senior Counsel Hri Kumar, then a PAP MP, said in Parliament on May 18, 2010: “Being hauled up by the Police is a harrowing experience. The individual is subject to an alien, hostile environment. … There are those who may say anything to make the unpleasant experience end, and to return to their families, or may simply be confused.”

More importantly, are these inaccuracies so serious that they should determine the direction of the debate in Parliament? It is unfortunate that Mr Shanmugam seems to think so.

The case, Mr Shanmugam seems to believe, is not really about the death of a 14-year-old boy. It is about how TOC and Mr Thio have made statements that “imply that Benjamin killed himself because of police intimidation.” It is about a “planned, orchestrated campaign” of falsehoods.

Never mind the fact that a boy is dead and answers have not been forthcoming; never mind the fact that TOC was upfront about its sources; never mind the fact that big stories are usually covered extensively, just as the mainstream press publishes tens of articles on the Cross Island Line debate; Mr Shanmugam’s focus was on defending police protocol, putting TOC down and chastising Mr Thio.

But in the course of doing so, Mr Shanmugam has diverted attention away from the central issues, made unfounded accusations against TOC and Mr Thio, undermined the impartiality of the Coroner’s Inquiry, and he has publicly testified against a dead boy who cannot defend himself.

Mr Shanmugam touched on three areas in his statement. First, the facts. Second, the police protocol. And third the “deliberate falsehoods.” Taken together, his statements reveal that he has approached this case as a matter of defending the police against charges of misconduct. However, in doing so, he has implied that Benjamin was not innocent, he has asserted his own finding that Benjamin was not mistreated despite an ongoing Coroner’s Inquiry, and he has conflated public criticism of an intimidating interrogation process with unfounded assertions of police intimidation.

Testifying against a dead boy who cannot defend himself

Mr Shanmugam begins by pointing to the facts of the case to show that the 14-year-old boy was not entirely innocent. Then, he recounts what happened during the police investigations in order to clear the police of wrongdoing.

To explain why the police had reason to suspect Benjamin had committed a crime, he points out a few details. One, Benjamin followed the girl into the lift. Two, there is CCTV footage showing what happened in the lift. Three, the girl claims she was molested. Four, Benjamin confessed to it. (See para 7 and 8)

He later concludes in para 22: “It is likely … Benjamin would have received no more than a warning. He is unlikely to have been charged in Court.” While Mr Shanmugam does not say Benjamin is guilty, he does not say he is innocent either. In fact, by saying that Benjamin could have received a warning, Mr Shanmugam left many readers thinking that he had made a pronouncement of guilt. If this was not his intention, he certainly did a poor job of communicating it.

In addition, Mr Shanmugam continued by saying: “Police would have taken into account his age, and the fact that this is the first time. And while all molests are taken seriously, the nature of the specific molest in any case would have to be considered. The nature of the alleged molest in this case can be characterised as being in the less serious range – that is based on CCTV footages.” It is as if to say that the reason Benjamin is unlikely to have been charged in court is because of the nature of the molest, not because he is innocent. Again, one is left with serious doubts about Benjamin’s innocence.

Later, in para 44, Mr Shanmugam points out that Benjamin’s family “suggested that Benjamin had been coerced into admitting to the molest.” In response, he says “The Police could have released the CCTV footages which will show quite objectively what happened inside the lift.” (Para 45) He is saying that the CCTV footage will rebut the family’s claim that Benjamin is innocent. In other words, he is saying that Benjamin is not innocent.

This becomes even clearer in para 46 where Mr Shanmugam says about releasing the footage to the public: “But is that the right thing to do? To have a public trial by media, at this stage? Rebut the family in public, and add to the family’s grief? The answer, good sense, is clearly NO.”

To Mr Shanmugam, the CCTV footage reveals what happened in the lift, which is the opposite of what the family claims. What happened in the lift is something so scandalous that it would be disrespectful to Benjamin’s memory and would hurt the young girl. One is therefore led, for a fourth time, to believe that Benjamin is not innocent, contrary to what his family claims.

Sub judice?

One might object to what Mr Shanmugam is doing here. He has essentially testified against Benjamin in Parliament and subtly delivered a guilty verdict. Although he insists on the importance of respecting the independence of the coroner’s courts, as a Minister, Mr Shanmugam has delivered the findings of the executive arm of government. Should the coroner’s court contradict him later, it would cast doubt on Mr Shanmugam’s integrity, and it would put the judiciary at odds with the executive.

The UK Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege made this particular point especially well: “Restrictions on media comment are limited to not prejudicing the trial, but Parliament needs to be especially careful: it is important constitutionally, and essential for public confidence, that the judiciary should be seen to be independent of political pressures. Thus, restrictions on parliamentary debate should sometimes exceed those on media comment.” (See here.)

Given that the police force, which falls under Mr Shanmugam’s Ministry of Home Affairs, is itself the subject of the Coroner’s Inquiry, Mr Shanmugam’s statements may in fact also be considered sub judice. By saying “there is nothing so far on the evidence to suggest that Benjamin was mistreated by the Police,” Mr Shanmugam has made a finding that is not his to make. The coroner’s court decides if the evidence suggests that Benjamin was mistreated, not Mr Shanmugam who is the one with the greatest stake in a favourable verdict (especially since, as he says, “ultimately, responsibility is with me”).

Pre-empting such accusations of sub judice, Mr Shanmugam claims an exception to the rule for himself. He says public officials may make statements if they are in the public interest. But sub judice is a matter for the courts to decide, not the executive. Mr Shanmugam therefore has no authority to claim this exception for himself. He is right that “people make many statements” but they can be mistaken. “That is why there is a Court process, to establish the truth.” Indeed, it is a Court not Cabinet process.

Sub judice aside, Benjamin is dead and unable to defend himself. However, Mr Shanmugam has implied that he is not innocent, giving his own testimony of what he saw on the CCTV footage even though the Coroner’s Inquiry has yet to be completed. This is unbecoming of a Minister. Having lost sight of the bigger picture, Mr Shanmugam has treaded where he should not.

Lessons to learn

The point is not that Mr Shanmugam has been less than honest about his intentions. The point is that in his haste to defend his Ministry, he has lost sight of the bigger picture and said things he should not have. In fact, Mr Shanmugam may learn a lesson or two from Mr Thio who, by focusing on the larger issues at stake, cautioned readers against jumping to conclusions.

Mr Thio had said in his commentary about Benjamin’s suicide: “Why did he jump? Could his death have been prevented? We can never know for certain, but that shouldn’t stop us from pursuing a deeper inquiry into what happened to Benjamin that day.” However, rather than do as Mr Thio did, Mr Shanmugam delivers his own findings instead of leaving it up to an independent third party. Instead of applauding Mr Thio for being a reasonable voice in an otherwise emotionally charged debate, Mr Shanmugam makes unspecified threats. (See para 61)

Mr Shanmugam may also learn from TOC’s prompt response when there is a need to correct false information. In less than a day after Mr Shanmugam criticised TOC for “deliberate falsehoods”, TOC responded by explaining how it had checked its facts and reached out to the relevant authorities for information. In contrast, Mr Shanmugam waited five week before responding to what he believes is an attack on the police’s integrity. What a sad irony.

Shutting the door to debate

The most problematic part in this episode is how unwilling Mr Shanmugam has been to discuss the larger issues of how suspects, especially minors, should be treated.

In para 57 he says: “Our position on early access to counsel has been made clear, previously. We had arrived at this position, after thoroughly considering the matter and taking into account all factors. I am prepared to explain again our reasons and thinking behind this position in due course, at a more appropriate time.”

Note how he seems to have no intention of discussing the issue. It appears that he is only willing to go so far as to explain his position again because he does not believe the case of Benjamin Lim has brought anything new to light.

However by adopting such a position, Mr Shanmugam effectively precludes the possibility that Benjamin felt intimidated because he was not accompanied during the police interview. He precludes the possibility that Benjamin underwent a traumatising experience when he was being interviewed. He precludes the possibility there is a strong connection between what happened to Benjamin in the morning, and his suicide in the afternoon.

But are these not questions for the coroner’s courts to decide? Is not the question of whether a police interview is a traumatising experience for a child also a general one which the public is entitled to weigh in on? Or are we all to shut our mouths now because Mr Shanmugam declares all suggestions that “the police intimidated the boy” to be false, misleading, dishonest and politically-motivated? (See para 40-42) If TOC is wrong to raise these questions, can we?

Mr Shanmugam’s response to MP Dr Intan Azura Binte was most telling. She had asked why police couldn’t have waited another hour for Benjamin Lim’s mother or father to arrive before interviewing him. Mr Shanmugam’s answer was a series of platitudes: “We have considered it before. … We have explained it before. … We will review it. … We will look at the findings, consult the stakeholders and we will explain.” But if the answer eludes Mr Shanmugam now, why will he find it later?

It seems that the true meaning of Mr Shanmugam’s answer is that real debate takes place in the Cabinet, not in Parliament. Opinions are formed and decisions are made in the Cabinet, after the brightest minds this nation has ever seen have applied their collective wisdom to the merits of the case. But should not the PAP at least debate these issues within its own party in Parliament? If Parliament is not the most appropriate forum to debate these crucial issues, then where is? If we are so sure of the reasons for the present policy, then what are they?

The four bad reasons

I submit that Mr Shanmugam has deftly chosen to evade the difficult questions because this case makes it virtually impossible for him to find an adequate answer.

One, the government believes that, as a rule, immediate access to family/friends/lawyers will hamper police investigations and prevent them from extracting a confession. However, when 14-year-olds die as a result of this policy, the rule doesn’t seem so perfect anymore. So it is more convenient to simply sidestep the question.

Two, the government implicitly believes that there is so much integrity in the police force that it is nigh impossible for there to be any misconduct. And where there is any, the government is fully willing and capable of investigating it. But in this case, the spectre of possible police misconduct hangs over Mr Shanmugam’s head. He may assert that there was no misconduct in this instance but he cannot prove that Benjamin’s confession was genuine since he is now dead.

Three, the government believes that Singapore is so vulnerable we cannot afford to allow guilty persons to go free on procedural grounds, even if this means that many innocent persons are wrongfully convicted. But in this case, it is hard to imagine a dead 14-year-old posing a threat to our very way of life.

Four, the government believes that lawyers, friends and family are more likely to encourage the suspect to lie than to come clean. In this case, however, Mr Shanmugam cannot preclude the possibility that lying was precisely what Benjamin did when he confessed. Mr Shanmugam cannot prove that Benjamin might have been able to deal with the situation better if he had timely support and advice.

Mr Shanmugam is silent on these questions because he has dogmatically adopted a position that must now meet the test of reality. Will he yield or will he find some way to silence dissent with his threats of sub judice? Whatever he chooses, it is clear that not all MPs within his party agree. The education minister Ng Chee Meng believes that “it is of utmost importance that we all learn from this tragedy.”

Indeed, a 14-year-old boy is no more and we must learn from it. But if we hold on to our preconceptions, as Mr Shanmugam has, then it is truly a national tragedy.

Disclaimer: I have written several articles for TOC before, three of which touched on this case. The first was a report on Thio Shen Yi’s commentary in the Singapore Law Gazette. The second was a commentary on Mr Thio’s strategy. The third was a collection of comments from readers. I have no involvement with any other articles on the Benjamin Lim case.

The post The real issue: TOC, Benjamin Lim or sub judice? appeared first on Asian Correspondent.

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More than 100 ground-up events to remember Lee Kuan Yew; remembrance sites set up

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March 03, 2016 12:00 PM

SINGAPORE – As the first anniversary of Mr Lee Kuan Yew’s death approaches, groups of Singaporeans are planning activities to commemorate the legacy of the country’s first prime minister.



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N Korea fires short-range projectiles after UN sanctions

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Seoul – North Korea fired short-range projectiles into the sea off its eastern coast on Thursday, South Korea’s defence ministry said, hours after the UN Security Council imposed tough new sanctions on Pyongyang.

The ministry said six projectiles with an apparent range of 100km-150km were fired into the East Sea (Sea of Japan) at 10am (0100 GMT).

Spokesman Moon Sang-Gyun said the ministry was still analysing whether they were short-range missiles or rockets.

“The South Korean military is monitoring any additional movements from the North,” he added.

North Korea regularly fires missiles or rockets to show its displeasure with any perceived slight by its neighbours or the wider international community.

The sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council late Wednesday were the toughest to date on North Korea which conducted its fourth nuclear test on January 6 and a long-range rocket launch last month.

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Thursday, March 3, 2016 – 11:38
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Tickets for Singapore Comedy Fringe 2016 go on sale on 3 Mar 2016. Get your tick…

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Tickets for Singapore Comedy Fringe 2016 go on sale on 3 Mar 2016. Get your tickets through SISTIC at http://www.sistic.com.sg/events/search?fc=sgcf0416

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Yahoo's plight a case of missed opportunities: GoDaddy CEO

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Former Chief Product Officer at Yahoo, Mr Blake Irving, says his previous employer “missed” a number of platform acquisition opportunities to attract media companies on to its platform. 

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Strong SAF, Singaporeans both play a role in security, says President

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SINGAPORE – The peace and security Singapore has enjoyed since independence cannot be taken for granted as “the natural order of things” and people must work hard to preserve it, President Tony Tan Keng Yam said yesterday.

After visiting the Republic of Singapore Navy’s (RSN) stealth frigate and submarine, Dr Tan emphasised the importance of having a strong and capable SAF and urged Singaporeans not to rest on their laurels.

“We have achieved a great deal with the frigates and the submarines… but the Singapore Armed Forces always has to stride new ground with new capabilities.”

Faced with new threats, including militant groups like Jemaah Islamiah and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, the SAF will have to develop capabilities to enable it to conduct military operations, and non-conventional missions such as humanitarian and disaster relief missions, he said.

Yesterday’s visit to Changi Naval Base was the President’s first since being elected in 2011. Also present were Senior Minister of State for Defence and Foreign Affairs Maliki Osman, defence chief Perry Lim and navy chief Lai Chung Han.

During the visit, Dr Tan was briefed on the latest developments on both the frigate and its naval helicopter. The President, who was the Defence Minister between 1995 and 2003, initiated the frigate and submarine programmes. Noting that Singapore is “on much better base now”, he said he is confident that the country is “in good hands”.

But the defence of Singapore is not the responsibility of only the SAF or the RSN, added Dr Tan. “They are the cutting edge. The defence of Singapore depends on all Singaporeans, all of us must pay a part in making sure that Singapore is safe and secure.”

jermync@sph.com.sg


This article was first published on March 3, 2016.
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Thursday, March 3, 2016 – 11:13
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